Red Sea Power Corridor, Oil Routes and the New Global Rivalry

From ancient trade to modern oil tankers and warships, the Red Sea has become a central artery of global power. This article explains who depends on it, who patrols it, and why the world cannot ignore it.

The Red Sea may look like a narrow stretch of water on a map, but its global importance is anything but small. It connects the Indian Ocean to the Mediterranean through the Bab el Mandeb strait in the south and the Suez Canal in the north. This single corridor links Asia, Africa, Europe, and the Middle East, carrying a huge share of the world’s trade and energy supplies. When the Red Sea is calm, global commerce flows smoothly. When it is disrupted, the effects ripple across continents.

Historically, the Red Sea served as a bridge between civilizations. Ancient Egyptians, Romans, Arab traders, and Ottoman rulers all relied on it to move goods, people, and ideas. The opening of the Suez Canal in the nineteenth century transformed that historical importance into a modern economic engine. Ships no longer had to sail around Africa. Trade between Asia and Europe became faster and cheaper, turning the Red Sea into one of the world’s main maritime highways. For more on the Red Sea’s historical importance, see Red Sea Strategic Analysis.

Today, around 10 to 12 percent of global seaborne trade passes through the Red Sea and Suez Canal system. This includes manufactured goods, raw materials, food, and above all, energy. Roughly 8 to 9 million barrels per day of crude oil and refined products move through this corridor, about one tenth of all oil traded by sea. Liquefied natural gas (LNG) also flows through these waters, especially toward Europe. When the route is disrupted, energy markets react almost immediately, raising prices, increasing insurance costs, and delaying deliveries. Learn more about global energy flows at Global Energy Geopolitics.

Saudi Arabia’s dependence on the Red Sea is strategic rather than total. While most Saudi oil leaves through the Arabian Gulf, Red Sea ports like Yanbu allow crude to ship directly west toward Europe and the Mediterranean. This reduces dependence on the Strait of Hormuz and gives Riyadh flexibility during regional crises. It also supports long-term plans to turn the Red Sea coast into a major industrial and logistics hub under Vision 2030. For details on Saudi oil logistics, see Middle East Trade Routes.

Europe’s reliance is more fragile. With little domestic oil production, a large share of Europe’s imports of Middle Eastern crude and petroleum products passes through the Red Sea, Suez Canal, and Egypt’s SUMED pipeline. Any disruption triggers higher costs almost immediately. Tankers rerouted around Africa add about ten extra days to journeys, burning more fuel, raising insurance, and driving up prices for consumers. Europe reacts quickly to instability because its energy security is tightly linked to this corridor. External sources also highlight this risk: Energy Information Administration on Oil Trade.

Egypt occupies a unique position. The Suez Canal is both a strategic choke point and a major source of income. Canal tolls generate billions of dollars yearly, vital to Egypt’s foreign currency reserves. The SUMED pipeline adds another layer, moving crude from the Red Sea to the Mediterranean when canal traffic is constrained. For Egypt, keeping the Red Sea route secure is not just a policy goal; it is an economic necessity. For more on oil transport security, see Oil Transport Security.

Other Gulf states also depend on the corridor. Iraq and Kuwait ship part of their oil exports west through the Red Sea system. The UAE uses the route for refined products and trade with Europe and Africa. Qatar relies heavily on the route for LNG shipments to Europe. When security risks rise, Qatar reroutes cargoes around Africa, tightening gas markets and raising prices in Europe. For a visual reference, see Geopolitical Maps.

African coastal states have fewer alternatives. Sudan and South Sudan export oil through Port Sudan. Any disruption in the Red Sea cuts off their main source of foreign revenue. Djibouti does not export oil, but its location near Bab el Mandeb makes it strategically vital. That is why it hosts military bases from the US, China, France, and others. Yemen’s long coastline along the southern Red Sea gives it outsized influence. Control or disruption near Bab el Mandeb can affect global trade far beyond Yemen itself. Recent attacks on shipping show how a local conflict can quickly become a global economic problem.

The table below summarizes how key countries and regions depend on the Red Sea route.

Key Country and Regional Dependencies on the Red Sea Route

Country / Region	Main Dependence on Red Sea	Oil / Energy Use Pattern	Why the Red Sea Matters
Saudi Arabia	Oil exports, logistics	Uses Red Sea ports like Yanbu for Europe bound crude	Alternative to Hormuz, faster access to Europe
Europe (EU)	Oil imports, LNG, goods	Imports Middle East crude and LNG via Suez and SUMED	Energy security, price stability
Egypt	Transit revenue	Suez Canal and SUMED pipeline	Major source of income, strategic leverage
United Arab Emirates	Refined products, trade	Westbound energy and cargo flows	Route diversification beyond Hormuz
Iraq and Kuwait	Oil exports	Part of exports move west via Red Sea	Direct access to European markets
Qatar	LNG exports	LNG shipments to Europe pass Bab el Mandeb	Gas supply reliability
Sudan and South Sudan	Oil exports	Crude shipped via Port Sudan	Economic survival depends on access
China	Trade, energy security	Oil imports and exports to Europe	Stability of Belt and Road corridors
United States	Global trade stability	Protects trade and energy routes	Prevents global price and supply shocks
Djibouti	Strategic location	Hosts multiple foreign military bases	Control near Bab el Mandeb chokepoint
Yemen	Geographic leverage	Controls southern Red Sea coastline	Ability to disrupt global shipping

This table highlights the variety of stakes in the Red Sea. Saudi Arabia and the UAE focus on export logistics and route flexibility, Europe and China depend heavily on stable shipping, Egypt and Djibouti gain economic and strategic leverage, and smaller states like Sudan, South Sudan, and Yemen punch above their weight due to geography. Meanwhile, the US and Russia see the corridor as a strategic theater, balancing trade security with power projection.

The United States patrols the Red Sea primarily to protect global trade and energy flows. Even though the US is a major energy producer today, its economy is still tied to global oil prices. Disruption in the Red Sea pushes prices up, fuels inflation, and destabilizes allies. The US also prioritizes freedom of navigation, deterring attacks on commercial shipping and limiting rival influence.

China’s strategy is driven by trade and supply chain security. A large portion of Chinese exports to Europe and Africa passes through the Red Sea and Suez Canal. China also imports oil and raw materials via these routes. Investments in ports, logistics zones, and a military base in Djibouti help protect its commercial interests, reduce reliance on US protection, and secure Belt and Road corridors.

Russia seeks naval access primarily for strategic and military reasons. Access to Red Sea ports connects its Mediterranean operations with the Indian Ocean, expands its global presence, and strengthens ties with African and Middle Eastern states. Russia’s interest is about power projection more than trade protection.

European navies patrol the Red Sea because the continent is highly exposed to disruptions there. Escorting commercial vessels, sharing intelligence, and deterring attacks are central goals. Operations are usually multinational and defensive. Europe focuses on keeping trade moving and preventing economic shocks.

All of these factors raise a central question: is the Red Sea becoming a new zone of great power rivalry? Yes, but with nuances. Unlike the South China Sea, the Red Sea is not defined by territorial disputes but by access, influence, and route security. The US wants leadership and navigation freedom. China wants secure trade and gradual presence. Russia wants strategic access and visibility. Regional powers like Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Iran, and the UAE shape how these external powers operate. Yet, no country benefits from the corridor being closed or chaotic for long.

The Red Sea today is both a zone of competition and cooperation. Rivalry exists, but shared interest in keeping trade and energy moving prevents long-term conflict. Oil, LNG, and goods tie everyone together. Geography, economics, and politics ensure the Red Sea will remain one of the most important maritime corridors for the foreseeable future.